Stance

Commercial and Market Arguments

The controversy has generated significant publicity and awareness of the game among its target audience. Historical wargamers and conflict simulation enthusiasts are typically sophisticated consumers who understand the distinction between simulation and glorification. The attention, while initially negative in mainstream press, has likely increased visibility within the actual market segment. Cancellation or delay would waste this awareness and might signal to potential customers that the game lacks academic or historical merit.

Academic and Educational Credibility

The Troubles is part of a legitimate PhD-focused research project, giving it scholarly credibility that distinguishes it from purely commercial products. I have acceptance and forthcoming publications in peer-reviewed academic journals specifically examining this game’s educational and psychological dimensions. The game represents years of research, design iteration, and some limited empirical testing with participants. Academic freedom and research integrity support continuing with a project that has survived scholarly peer review, even when popular press coverage is critical.

Historical Simulation Precedent

Compass Games’ catalogue already includes numerous simulations of sensitive conflicts – Vietnam, World Wars, various insurgencies. The Northern Ireland conflict, while emotionally charged, is a legitimate subject for historical simulation no different from these other difficult topics. The wargaming community has a long tradition of engaging with controversial history through simulation, understanding that modelling conflict mechanics is distinct from endorsing violence. Retreating from this project could set a problematic precedent about which histories can be explored through game design. And this”null curriculum” is exactly what a title like ‘The Troubles’ is trying to rescue from being silenced.

Design Integrity and Purpose

The game *specifically* incorporates mechanics designed to foster affective empathy and understanding of the human costs of political violence, distinguishing it from pure combat simulations. The ludonarrative design choices I have made reflect trauma-informed pedagogy and ethical consideration of representation. I can demonstrate through my research data that players develop more nuanced understanding of the conflict’s complexity, which is precisely the educational goal.

Risk Assessment

What specific harm would continuing publication cause that cancellation would prevent? The people most likely to be upset are already aware and opposed.

And I would feel exactly the same were ‘The Troubles’ simply an insensitive attempt to commodify a traumatic period of history, to glamorise violence for commercial gain.

While cancellation would create new problems – perception of censorship, and disappointment among interested customers wishing to engage critically and sensitvely with an important period of 20th century history, a period for many around the world that remains unclear – the controversy is unlikely to escalate further simply through publication, particularly with the specialised distribution channels Compass uses. Cancellation would waste this market awareness and potentially validate critics’ claims that the game lacks merit.

Partnership and Trust

Backing away now, particularly after the investment of time by myself, those directly and indirectly involved with ‘The Troubles’, and the investment of time and expertise afforded by the many anonymous international scholars who were professionally (and affectively) committed to contributing to the scholarly backbone that supports this endeavour, damages the designer-community relationship and sends concerning signals

As the designer, I have been transparent about the game’s nature and purpose throughout the process.

If any serious game/simulation company expresses concern about reputational risk: the game’s academic credentials and research foundation provide strong defence against accusations of irresponsibility; the reputation risk of being seen to cave to pressure without engaging with the scholarly merit may be equal to or greater than risk of publication.

Conclusion

‘The Troubles’ is not a glorification of violence but an exploration of political conflict dynamics. The game treats its subject matter with appropriate gravity and historical accuracy.

This game represents serious historical scholarship addressing a legitimate subject through established simulation methodology. The case for publication rests on academic credibility, market reality, historical precedent, and partnership integrity.

I implore everyone to recognise that this publication is based on these foundations.

History

“The movement of humanity, arising from a countless series of actions arbitrarily performed by many individuals, is a continuous phenomenon.

The aim of history is to work out what laws lie behind this movement.

In order to study the laws of history we must change the subject completely, forget all about kings, ministers and generals, and turn to the homogeneous, infinitesimal elements that move the masses to action”

(Tolstoy, L., War and Peace, pp. 912-914, Penguin).

‘Stakeknife’

179 Ben Dunne Kidnapping
In October 1981 the IRA kidnapped the supermarket millionaire, Ben Dunne, who was held for six days before being released. Mystery surrounds this event as it was never established if the ransom was paid, but allegations suggest that the Irish Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, intervened in his released for
a financial sum. It is alleged that Freddie Scappaticci, later suspected as being involved in supplying British Intelligence with high-level information on the Provisional IRA under the codename ‘Stakeknife’, provided information relating to those responsible for the abduction.

197 Don Tidey Kidnapping
American Supermarket executive, Don Tidey, was kidnapped  by the IRA on the 24th November, 1983 and later rescued on the 16th December by police and soldiers from the Republic of Ireland. Brendan McFarlane was allegedly one of four kidnappers, and was captured in the Netherlands in 1986. He was released from the Maze prison on parole in 1997. It is alleged that Freddie Scappaticci was again involved in providing the Force Research Unit (FRU) with details of the abduction, which later lead to Tidey’s release.

53 Sinn Fein Split at Dublin

Similar to the schism between the Old and Provisional IRA by the close of 1969, its political wing, Sinn Fein, found itself freeing itself from the Southern leadership at their Ard Fheis (party
conference) after a decision was voted on – and passed – to abandon their long held, and firmly entrenched stance on ‘abstentionism’ (i.e. of not taking any seats won in the parliaments
of Dublin, Belfast, and London – none of which the recognised as legal). The minority who left, mirroring the Provisional IRA, became know as the ‘Provisional Sinn Fein’, and despite ideological and political differences, it was the belief that those Republicans in the South has failed to act in defence of their brethren in the North during the 1969 riots.

1974 – Two General Elections

On the 9th December 1973, the Sunningdale Agreement was
signed. It was an attempt by the British Government, the Irish
Government and the Northern Irish Government to provide an
alternative approach to government in Northern Ireland that
would also integrate Unionist, SDLP and other political parties
into a power-sharing Executive. The result was significant
opposition from Unionists – an escalation in violence during
extended periods of civil unrest, as well as a co-ordinated
strike – the Ulster Workers Council (UWC) Strike – perpetrated
by Loyalists. In May 1974 the agreement collapsed and the
British Government reintroduced Direct Rule on the 14th day of
the UWC strike.

For the Unionist Government, the first of two General Elections
that year (October would see the second; the February Election
resulted in a hung parliament) was a test of the unpopular
proposed power-sharing proposal known as the Sunningdale
Agreement. In addition to the Troubles in Northern Ireland,
in Britain Edward Heath’s Conservative Government had
the additional pressures of a miners’ strike deep economic
strife. And his hopes of a power-sharing Executive would be
usurped by Unionist politicians and parties using the election
to destroy his aims: anti-Sunningdale Unionists had captured
control of the Ulster Unionist Party, Vanguard and Democratic
Unionist Party resulting in them gaining 11 of the 12 possible
seats; the SDLP, contending its first Westminster Election,
returned Gerry Fitt to the remaining seat, West Belfast.

Harold Wilson, then British Prime Minister, paid a visit to
Northern Ireland and said that there was no alternative to the
Sunningdale Agreement.
[Public Records 1974 – Released 1 January 2005: Note of the meeting
between Harold Wilson and the Northern Ireland Executive which
was held in Stormont Castle on 18 April 1974.]

The United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) held a three-day
conference in Portrush, County Antrim. The conference was
attended by representatives of the Ulster Defence Association
(UDA) and also by Enoch Powell. The main focus of the
conference is to agree a strategy for bringing about the end of
the Executive. At the end of the conference (26 April 1974) the
UUUC called for a Northern Ireland regional parliament in a
federal United Kingdom (UK).

The Ulster Defence Association (UDA) issued a statement condemning
the security situation in Northern Ireland and gave
its support to the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) and
the policy of opposing the Sunningdale Agreement.

Organised by the Ulster Defence Association, this general
strike was a Loyalist protest at the Unionist Government’s
plans to participate in the Sunningdale Agreement – a power-
sharing opportunity that would see Unionist’s lose their
monopoly in the Northern Ireland Government by adopting
a new Executive. The UWC threatened, and carried out civil
disobedience unless the proposal was abandoned. Tuesday
14th May 1974 marked the beginning of the Strike and would
include regular power cuts across the province, as well as
essential services being disrupted. Rioting ensued, the ‘Dublin
and Monaghgan’ bombings took place, sectarian killings
continued, and by Day 5, Merlyn Rees, the Secretary of State
for Northern Ireland, announced a State of Emergency. By Day
14, the Executive proposed by the Suningdale Agreement was
dissolved and the British Government resumed Direct Rule in
Northern Ireland.

By Day 14 of the UWC strike, the Executive proposed by the
Suningdale Agreement was dissolved and the British Government
resumed Direct Rule in Northern Ireland.

Thursday 10th October 1974. The United Unionist Council
(UUUC) coalition secured 10 of the 12 Westminster Seats.
Gerry Fitt (SDLP) held on to Belfast West, and Independent
Nationalist, Frank McGuire, deposed the sitting Unionist, Harry
West, in Fermanagh-South Tyrone. Fitt and McGuire’s positions
would be instrumental in the fall of the Labour Party in 1979,
resulting in the subsequent General Election that would see
the Conservative Party come to power under the leadership of
Margaret Thatcher.

#1 The Campaign for Social Justice

The Campaign for Social Justice was established in 1964 by Patricia and Dr Conn McCluskey. The husband and wife were based in County Tyrone and were the founding fathers of the Civil Rights movement in Northern Ireland, as a response to the discrimination against the Nationalist Catholic communi￾ties in areas such as housing and employment.

#260 Good Friday Agreement

After over 30 years of sectarian violence and political disagreements and stalemates, the Good Friday Agreement, facilitated by the U.S. senator George Mitchell, was signed on the 10th April 1998 by Prime Minister Tony Blair (UK Government), Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, (Irish Government) and representatives from the eight main political parties in Northern Ireland.

The agreement was approved by voters across the island of Ireland in two referendums held on 22 May 1998. In Northern Ireland, voters were asked in the 1998 Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement referendum whether they supported the multi-party agreement. In the Republic of Ireland, voters were asked whether they would allow the state to sign the agreement and allow necessary constitutional changes (Nineteenth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland) to facilitate it. The people of both jurisdictions needed to approve the agreement in order to give effect to it.

The British–Irish Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999, and is the basis of the devolved, power-sharing government in at Stormont, Northern Ireland to this day.

Peace.

Design a site like this with WordPress.com
Get started